![]() This is important because the Polish divisions present Russia and important Central European powers (Prussia and the Habsburg Empire) as the sole actors. At the same time, there is virtually no time to study the four-century-long existence of the Polish and Lithuanian states before their demise. In many schools, Eastern European states would be introduced for the first time just to let them come to an end: the various rounds of divisions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of the 18th century, for instance, are studied in great detail. In fact, many people in Germany leave school – some after seven years of history lessons – without having ever heard of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, not to speak of Ukraine. The view that Eastern Europe – with the exception of Russia – does not really exist has a long tradition in Germany, especially among the current generation of politicians, whose history education in schools was heavily tilted towards Western Europe. The question is, why did it take so long and what can Germany learn from it? Ukraine has managed to firmly establish itself on Germany’s map of Eastern Europe. ![]() Within a year, the situation has dramatically reversed. Ukraine was part of a corrupt no-man’s land situated somewhere between Russia and the EU. Just one year ago, Ukraine was a country that hardly any German politician would take seriously or attribute political agency to. Something remarkable has happened in Germany.
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